Nov 14, 2019 · Steve Castor, House Intelligence Committee counsel for Republicans, asked senior State Department official George Kent during the first day of …
Nov 03, 2019 · Attorney Mark Zaid told CBS News he contacted Representative Devin Nunes, the committee's ranking member, on Saturday to say his client is willing to answer Republicans' questions under oath and...
Nov 13, 2019 · Below is a guide to key House intelligence committee members and the two lawyers – one Democrat and one Republican – who will interrogate the witnesses. Democrats Daniel Goldman A former federal...
Nov 13, 2019 · Steve Castor, the staff lawyer Republicans picked to question witnesses in the impeachment inquiry, is emerging as one of the star players in the impeachment saga—and for all the wrong reasons.
Impeachment inquiry against Donald TrumpNancy Pelosi. (Speaker of the House of Representatives)Adam Schiff. (Chair of the House Intelligence Committee)Jerry Nadler. (Chair of the House Judiciary Committee)
Steve CastorStephen CastorBorn1972 or 1973 (age 48–49)NationalityAmericanEducationPennsylvania State University (BS) Lehigh University (MBA) George Washington University (JD)OccupationAttorney
List of White House counselOfficeholderTerm startPresidentDon McGahnJanuary 20, 2017Donald TrumpEmmet Flood ActingOctober 18, 2018Pat CipolloneDecember 10, 2018Dana RemusJanuary 20, 2021Joe Biden42 more rows
Washington, D.C. The United States attorney general (AG) leads the United States Department of Justice, and is the chief lawyer of the federal government of the United States. The attorney general serves as the principal advisor to the president of the United States on all legal matters.
In all, 25 of the 44 men to hold the office of President have been lawyers. Before taking office, many other presidents previously served as soldiers, farmers, businessmen or teachers.
No, President George Washington was not a lawyer. George Washington was the commander-in-chief of the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War...
A former federal prosecutor, Goldman is the committee attorney who will lead impeachment inquiry questioning for the Democrats. Goldman, who has already conducted questioning for Democrats in the inquiry, previously worked for the US attorney’s office for the southern district of New York – the same office which prosecuted Michael Cohen, and that is now pursuing a case against associates of Trump’s present lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, as well as investigating Giuliani himself.
The House minority leader, Kevin McCarthy, formally made the Ohio Republican a member of the intelligence committee on Friday. Commentators have suggested that Jordan – a dogged and aggressive Trump supporter – was moved to the committee in an attempt to mount a strong defense of the president.
The congresswoman, who also hails from California, was succinct in describing the Ukraine controversy during a television interview on Sunday. “This is a very simple, straightforward act: the president broke the law,” Speier said on ABC’s This Week. “He went on a telephone call with the president of Ukraine and said ‘I have a favor though’ and then proceeded to ask for an investigation of his rival. This is a very strong case of bribery.”
In an opinion piece posted on The Wall Street Journal’s website, the lawyer, Charles J. Cooper, who is closely allied with top Republicans in Congress, dismissed as illogical the claim that it is unconstitutional to hold an impeachment trial for a former president.
Charles J. Cooper, a stalwart of the conservative legal establishment, said that Republicans were wrong to assert that it is unconstitutional for a former president to be tried for impeachable offenses.
He grew up in Alabama, and despite not attending an Ivy League law school, landed a clerkship for Justice William H. Rehnquist in 1978 before he became the chief justice, and at a time when Justice Rehnquist was considered the most conservative member of the court.
But Mr. Cooper remained in private practice, becoming the lawyer for Mr. Sessions as he was enmeshed in controversy related to the Russia investigation. In the second half of the Trump presidency, Mr. Cooper represented Mr. Bolton and his deputy, Charles Kupperman, in the first impeachment trial of Mr. Trump.
It could provide cover to Republican senators open to convicting Mr. Trump who were caught off guard by last month’s vote, forced by Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, to effectively dismiss the case as unconstitutional.
Many legal scholars disagree, and the Senate has previously held an impeachment trial of a former official — though never a former president.
In 2010, when the Republican National Lawyers Association named him the Republican lawyer of the year, there were three speakers for Mr. Cooper: Mr. Bolton ; the head of the N.R.A., Wayne LaPierre; and Ed Meese, an attorney general under Ronald Reagan who was considered among the most conservative in the department’s history.
To discuss, Jim Braude was joined by retired federal judge Nancy Gertner, now a senior lecturer at Harvard Law School, and former state treasurer Joe Malone, who supports Trump.
Noah Feldman of Harvard Law School testified in front of the House Judiciary Committee on Wednesday that the framers of the Constitution created impeachment for actions that align “precisely” with what President Trump is accused of doing. “The framers reserved impeachment for situations where the president abused his office. … In particular, they were specifically worried about a situation where the president used his office to facilitate his own reelection,” Feldman said. “… That is precisely what the framers anticipated.”
An op-ed by Alan Dershowitz: What is an impeachable offense? Rep. Maxine Waters, chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, says the definition is purely political: “whatever Congress says it is—there is no law.” She’s wrong. At the Constitutional Convention of 1787, the Framers debated impeachment of a president. Some argued for the power of Congress to remove the president for “maladministration” or other open-ended terms that appeared in several state constitutions. Others, including James Madison, opposed such vague criteria, fearful that they would turn the republic into a British-style parliamentary system, in which Congress could remove a president over political differences—effectively a vote of no confidence. That, Madison argued, would be the “equivalent to tenure during pleasure of the Senate.” The Framers wanted an independent president who could be removed only for genuine wrongdoing. So they agreed to the criteria that became part of the Constitution: “treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.”
Donald Trump’s refusal to cooperate with the House’s impeachment inquiry, in addition to his decisions on Syria , are the types of actions many believe could drive the president towards being impeached as an inevitable consequence. Constitutional law professor Laurence Tribe joins Joy Reid to discuss. Oct. 12, 2019
The U.S. House of Representatives on Thursday passed a resolution that formalizes the impeachment probe against President Trump. The resolution outlines the next steps of the inquiry, authorizing the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee to conduct open hearings and the president and his attorneys to cross-examine witnesses. … For a discussion of the significance of the resolution, Harvard law professor and constitutional expert Laurence Tribe, who’s long called for Trump’s impeachment, joined WBUR’s Morning Edition.
Amid the pressure of a House impeachment inquiry, President Donald Trump has continued to stoke the idea that he’s the victim of a coup — shorthand for “coup d’etat,” a French term that means the overthrow of the government…The key element of a coup is that it is carried out beyond the bounds of legality…Impeachment is explicitly described in the Constitution as the way to remove a president who has committed “high crimes and misdemeanors.” Michael Klarman, a Harvard Law School professor, told us that you can’t get much more within the bounds of legality than an explicit power outlined in the Constitution. “It’s obviously not a coup for the House to launch impeachment proceedings,” Klarman told us in early October.
When asked if there was sufficient evidence to charge President Trump with the high crime and misdemeanor of obstruction of Congress, Professor Noah Feldman of Harvard Law School argued that “putting yourself above the law as president” is an impeachable offense.