Aug 20, 1999 ¡ Edward L. Morgan, a former White House lawyer who in 1974 pleaded guilty to participating in a plan to create a fraudulent $576,000 tax deduction for President Richard M. Nixon, died on Aug. 6 in...
Nixon's malfeasance since entering office was a "serious threat to our tax system," he said, because "we expect the law to be applied equally to every taxpayer." [181] After a debate scheduled by the committee's leaders so as to reach the primeâtime television audience, the article was rejected, also by a 12â26 margin.
May 26, 2015 ¡ He pleaded guilty, and was sentenced to four months in prison. Nixonâs tax lawyer, Frank DeMarco, Jr., and the documents appraiser, Ralph G. Newman, were also indicted for conspiracy to defraud the United States for their part in the backdating of documents.
Nov 18, 1974 ¡ His official tax adviser, Edward L. Morgan, pleaded guilty to conspiring with unnamed others to violate the U.S. tax laws by backdating a deed of Nixon's papers to the National Archives in order to...
University of Southern California (B.A., J.D.) Herbert Warren Kalmbach (October 19, 1921 â September 15, 2017) was an American attorney and banker. He served as the personal attorney to United States President Richard Nixon (1968â1973).
John Wesley Dean III (born October 14, 1938) is a former attorney who served as White House Counsel for United States President Richard Nixon from July 1970 until April 1973. Dean is known for his role in the cover-up of the Watergate scandal and his subsequent testimony to Congress as a witness.
Richard NixonParent(s)Francis A. Nixon Hannah MilhousEducationWhittier College (BA) Duke University (LLB)OccupationPolitician lawyer authorSignature35 more rows
She left Winning Workplaces in 2003 and joined the Chicago Public Schools as chief officer for career and technical education, a post she held until 2008. Since November 2008, Wine-Banks has worked as a consultant with F & H Solutions. Wine-Banks also has a robust career providing legal analyst commentary on MSNBC.
The House Judiciary Committee approved three articles of impeachment against Nixon for obstruction of justice, abuse of power, and contempt of Congress. With his complicity in the cover-up made public and his political support completely eroded, Nixon resigned from office on August 9, 1974.
April 27, 1994Richard Nixon / Date of burial
Proponents argued that Nixon's consistent "stonewalling" constituted an impeachable offence as it threatened to diminish the House's constitutional impeachment power. McClory argued that the claim of executive privilege "has no place in an impeachment inquiry.".
Additionally, Nixon shuffled his legal team, and in January 1974, James D. St. Clair, a Boston lawyer, supplanted Charles Wright as the president's lead attorney. At its height his legal team employed 15 lawyers. St.
The Watergate scandal began with the June 17, 1972, break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate Office Building in Washington, D.C., and the Nixon administration 's attempted cover-up of its involvement. In January 1973, the same month in which President Nixon began his second term, the burglars each went on trial separately before U.S. District Judge John Sirica; all pleaded or were found guilty. That February, the United States Senate voted to create a special investigative committee to look into the scandal. The resultant Senate Watergate hearings, led by Sam Ervin, commenced in May 1973. Broadcast "gavel-to-gavel" nationwide by PBS and (alternately) by the three U.S. commercial networks â ABC, CBS and NBC, the hearings aroused and held great public interest through that summer. Senators heard testimony that the president had approved plans to cover up administration involvement with the Watergate break-in, and learned of the existence of a voice-activated taping system in the Oval Office.
On August 5, 1974, Nixon released a transcript of one of the additional conversations to the public, known as the "smoking gun" tape, which made clear his complicity in the Watergate cover-up. This disclosure destroyed Nixon politically.
Nixon. The impeachment process against Richard Nixon began in the United States House of Representatives on October 30, 1973, following the series of high-level resignations and firings widely called the " Saturday Night Massacre " during the course of the Watergate scandal .
On November 4, 1973, Senator Edward Brooke became the first congressional Republican to publicly urge President Nixon to resign.
Though Nixon had not faced impeachment by the full House or a Senate trial, criminal prosecution was still a possibility at both the federal and state levels. Concerned about Nixon's well-being, and worried that the "ugly passions" aroused by the Watergate scandal would rise again during a lengthy Nixon prosecution, on September 8, 1974, President Ford granted Nixon a pardon for all crimes he had "committed or may have committed or taken part in" as president. Nixon, in his official acceptance of the pardon, said that he "was wrong in not acting more decisively and more forthrightly in dealing with Watergate, particularly when it reached the stage of judicial proceedings and grew from a political scandal into a national tragedy." While accepting the pardon implied an admission of guilt, Nixon maintained his innocence until his death in 1994.
Banker, becomes Nixon's attorney. Kalmbach declined Nixon's offer to appoint him Under Secretary of Commerce, choosing instead to remain in California and build up his law practice. He instead became the president's private lawyer.
Meets Nixon, political fundraiser. Kalmbach was introduced to Richard Nixon, then vice-president, by H. R. Haldeman in the 1950s. He raised money for Richard Nixon's candidacy in the 1960 United States presidential election and again in 1968 United States presidential election .
Kalmbach was also the Deputy Finance Chairman for the Committee to Re-elect the President. In this capacity he was eventually implicated in a fund-raising scandal involving re-election campaign contributions by Associated Milk Producers, Inc. (AMPI) and two other major dairy-farm cooperatives in connection with Nixon's support of an increase in price supports for milk in 1971. Testimony by AMPI general manager George L. Mehrens in 1973 identified Kalmbach as a major solicitor of these contributions; articles on Charles Colson 's involvement in the AMPI scandal indicated that $2 million in contributions had been expected, but that the actual donations were nearer to $400,000, of which some $197,500 had been given by AMPI.
Kalmbach was convicted and served 191 days in jail ...
Kalmbach also raised $220,000 in "hush money" to pay off the Watergate burglars. But it was his raising of $3.9 million for a secret Republican congressional campaign committee and promising an ambassador a better post in exchange for $100,000 that led to his conviction and imprisonment for 191 days and a $10,000 fine.
Kalmbach pleaded guilty on February 25, 1974 on one count of violation of the Federal Corrupt Practices Act and on one count of promising federal employment as a reward for political activity and support of a candidate.
Convicted, jailed. Kalmbach was associate finance chairman of the 1968 Nixon for President campaign and was an unofficial fund-raiser for the Committee for the Re-election of the President, controlling several secret funds.
Krogh and Dean say that legal ethics training needs to better examine the external threats to a lawyerâs integrity, such as pressure for results, a conformist mindset and the demand for secrecyâall of which were part of the pressures facing the lawyers in the Nixon White House.
But in the winter of 1971, Krogh refused to approve additional wiretaps sought by Liddy and the Plumbers. Eventually Krogh was re assigned to the post of undersecretary of Transportation. Krogh and Dean admit they were too young, too naive, too willing to do anything for their president.
Legal ethics and professionalism played almost no role in any lawyerâs mind, including mine. Watergate changed thatâfor me and every other lawyer.â. After Watergate, schools began to make legal ethics a required class. Bar examinations added an extra section on ethics.
Today, Krogh and Dean travel around the country speaking to bar associations, law firms and law schools about legal ethics. Each has been booked for about 20 programs in 2012.
THE EARLIEST BREAK-IN. Watergate actually was the culmination of a chain of events that began months before the failed break-in at the Democratic Party offices. In March 1971, presidential assistant Charles Colson helped create a $250,000 fund for âintelligence gatheringâ of Democratic Party leaders.
A handful of states, including Maryland, Michigan and New Jersey, still adopted the disclosure rule; eventually more than 40 states adopted the rule in some form. The ABA rule held up for the next two decades, despite proposals to revise it in 1991 and 2002.
He says heâs invited other Watergate lawyers to join him at the programs, and some have agreed. Krogh does his own CLE ethics presentations, which have been equally successful. Like Dean, he tells his dramatic story with an insiderâs view of the Nixon White House, a lawyerâs view of what happenedâand why.
Nixon's personal taxes first came to public notice in 1952, when the 39-year-old senator was running for vice president on Dwight Eisenhower's GOP ticket. 3 At the time, Nixon was struggling to answer questions about a campaign fund established by his backers. The fund was not illegal, as Nixon was quick to point out, but it looked bad. "Secret Rich Men's Trust Fund Keeps Nixon in Style Far Beyond His Salary," blared a typical headline. 4
This time, the proximate cause was not a campaign fund but a pair of charitable donations the president made after winning his race for the White House. These donations, which involved gifts of personal and official records to the National Archives, were unremarkable, at least initially. But questions about the timing and valuation of these gifts soon created serious problems for both Nixon and the IRS.
The JCIRT investigation prompted much discussion of the IRS and its abilities. The need for a congressional inquiry was itself a vote of no-confidence in the agency. Likewise, Nixon's repeated insistence that his returns had already been audited did little to encourage faith in the agency, especially as more details emerged about the president's returns.
The JCIRT had hoped to complete the review of Nixon's returns quickly, but it took four months for the panel to issue its final report. The process was thorough and time-consuming, involving approximately 30 interviews with people involved in preparing Nixon's returns. Committee staff also traveled to both California and New York to investigate transactions reported on the returns.
Nixon's tax scandal is barely a footnote in most historical treatments of his presidency. Watergate was so lurid as to obscure more pedestrian (and more tedious) misdeeds, like the papers donation. To the extent that the episode is remembered at all, the outrage is usually directed at the notion that a president would try to claim a deduction for donating his official papers to a government archive in the first place. But of course, those donations and associated deductions were perfectly legal -- and entirely routine -- until the middle of 1969.
Notably, the JCIRT staff report declined to consider the possibility of fraud or negligence on the part of either Nixon or his aides. The pending impeachment investigation by the House Judiciary Committee might eventually require JCIRT members to pass judgment on various charges, including fraud. "The staff believes that neither the House nor the Senate members of the Joint Committee would want to have pre-judged any issue which might be brought in any such proceedings," the report explained.
In July 1973 Tax Analysts and Advocates, a public interest law firm, published an article in Tax Notes concluding that Nixon's deduction was unjustified. The organization urged the IRS to consider appointing an outside auditor. "It is obvious that Internal Revenue Service agents and their superiors throughout the Internal Revenue Service would be extremely reluctant to audit the tax returns of the President of the United States as if he were an ordinary taxpayer," wrote Ira Tannenbaum, a Tax Analysts employee. "Or even if the IRS were willing to conduct such an audit, in view of the fact that the IRS Commissioner is responsible to the President, the results of such an IRS audit would be questioned as to whether they were reached in the proper disinterested manner." 15