Shortly after Sweatt, Marshall, 43 other attorneys, and 14 branch and local NAACP presidents convened to develop the next phase of the legal strategy. Marshall had traditionally been cautious. He believed that cases involving segregated public schools were cases that the NAACP could not afford to lose, as they would set devastating precedents.
The correspondence between Murray and University of Maryland officials allowed the NAACP to focus on the issue of segregation. Maryland was willing to provide a state-supported legal education for Murray, but not in Maryland and not at the state university. NAACP lawyers brought the case in state court.
Solicitor General Philip Perlman filed an amicus brief supporting the NAACP's position on behalf of the Truman administration.
Robert Carter and Jack Greenberg were the NAACP's point men for Brown. When Oliver Brown became the lead plaintiff in Brown v. Board of Education, Topeka and the state of Kansas had a schizophrenic attitude about its Negro population. There was segregation, but it was not universal.
While the facts of each case are different, the main issue in each was the constitutionality of state-sponsored segregation in public schools. Once again, Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund handled these cases.
The U.S. Supreme Court case, Brown v. Board of Education, was bundled with four related cases and a decision was rendered on May 17, 1954. Three lawyers, Thurgood Marshall (center), chief counsel for the NAACP's Legal Defense Fund and lead attorney on the Briggs case, with George E. C. Hayes (left) and James M.
Brown v. Board of Education was argued on December 9, 1952. The attorney for the plaintiffs was Thurgood Marshall, who later became the first African American to serve on the Supreme Court (1967–91).
Jack GreenbergAs the first white attorney for the NAACP, Jack Greenberg helped to argue Brown v. Board of Education at the U.S. Supreme Court level.
Thurgood MarshallThurgood Marshall, the head of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, served as chief attorney for the plaintiffs.
The 13 plaintiffs were: Oliver Brown, Darlene Brown, Lena Carper, Sadie Emmanuel, Marguerite Emerson, Shirley Fleming, Zelma Henderson, Shirley Hodison, Maude Lawton, Alma Lewis, Iona Richardson, Vivian Scales, and Lucinda Todd. The last surviving plaintiff, Zelma Henderson, died in Topeka, on May 20, 2008, at age 88.
When Linda was denied admission into a white elementary school, Linda's father, Oliver Brown, challenged Kansas's school segregation laws in the Supreme Court. The NAACP and Thurgood Marshall took up their case, along with similar ones in South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware, as Brown v. Board of Education.
Thurgood MarshallThurgood Marshall was the first African American to serve as a justice on the U.S. Supreme Court. He joined the Court in 1967, the year this photo was taken. On October 2, 1967, Thurgood Marshall took the judicial oath of the U.S. Supreme Court, becoming the first Black person to serve on the Court.
In Brown v. Board, the Supreme Court overturned Plessy v. Ferguson and outlawed segregation. The Court agreed with Thurgood Marshall and his fellow NAACP lawyers that segregated schooling violated the 14th Amendment's guarantee of equal protection of law.
Oklahoma Board of Regents of Higher Education (1950). Having won these cases, and thus, establishing precedents for chipping away Jim Crow laws in higher education, Marshall succeeded in having the Supreme Court declare segregated public schools unconstitutional in Brown v. Board of Education (1954).
Clarence ThomasMarshall retired during the administration of President George H. W. Bush in 1991, and was succeeded by Clarence Thomas.
When the case went to the Supreme Court, Marshall argued that school segregation was a violation of individual rights under the 14th Amendment. He also asserted that the only justification for continuing to have separate schools was to keep people who were slaves "as near that stage as possible."
In 1935 the political and social system in Virginia was basically that which in South Africa is known a apartheid – a word best understood by the pronunciation: a-part-hate. Racial discrimination mandated by law, as rooted in the soil of colonial Virginia; and chattel slavery, ...
However, the NAACP had advocated thirteen minority/majority districts and had successfully drawn the districts and lobbied for same. The State Conference was first to indicate that thirteen African American districts in ...
Prosecution of most cases was the joint effort of the Conference and NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, Inc. Realizing that it would face a desegregation requirement in the 1959-60 school session, Prince Edward County abandoned all public schools and kept them closed until the 1964-65 session.
In cases of seven black men from Martinsville who in 1949 were sentenced to death for rape; the Conference sponsored appeals and habeas corpus proceedings presenting the fact that never had the Commonwealth put a white man to death for rape.
A purpose of the NAACP, stated in its 1911 Certificate of Incorporation, is to secure for colored citizens “impartial suffrage.”. The 25th anniversary souvenir program listed six special workers in voter- registration who had organized voter registration programs in south side black-belt counties.
On July 16, 1944, an interstate passenger classified as a Negro was arrested in Middlesex County for refusing to move to the back of the bus.
Racial discrimination mandated by law, as rooted in the soil of colonial Virginia; and chattel slavery, like a creeping vine, permeated the social fabric for more than two centuries. The vine was consumed in the fires of the Civil War and to prevent its return, the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments were added to the Constitution.
In 1931, the NAACP's first staff attorney, Nathan Margold, outlined a legal strategy to challenge school segregation. His strategy was part direct, part circumspect. Given the temper of the times, Margold recognized that it wouldn't do to attack school segregation under any and all circumstances.
Diamond, and Leland B. Ware. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was formed in 1909 to fight Jim Crow, 20th-century America's experience with petty and not so petty apartheid. Under the leadership of W.E.B. Du Bois, the NAACP would take the bully pulpit to push for the abolition ...
Sweatt was a letter carrier who lived in Texas. In 1946 he applied to the all-white law school at the University of Texas. He was immediately rejected. The rejection letter informed him that he could request that the state of Texas establish a law school for Negroes. The NAACP filed suit in state court on Sweatt's behalf. The results were familiar. The trial court opinion stated that state officials were under no obligation to admit him to the University of Texas. The opinion allowed state officials six months to establish a black law school. Just before the six months were up, the state presented the trial court with evidence that it had established the Jim Crow law school. The school was housed in two rented rooms in Houston. Administratively, the school was part of Prairie View University, a Texas state university for Negroes, some 40 miles away. The faculty consisted of two part-time instructors. There was no library.
Professional schools offered a more tempting target: The NAACP was dealing with total exclusion; the state provided a law school or a medical school, but only for whites.
The NAACP argued that there was no "valid legislative end" that justified racial segregation, that segregation was arbitrary and irrational.
The correspondence between Murray and University of Maryland officials allowed the NAACP to focus on the issue of segregation. Maryland was willing to provide a state-supported legal education for Murray, but not in Maryland and not at the state university. NAACP lawyers brought the case in state court.
The first case originated in Clarendon County, S .C. That county maintained a system of grossly unequal segregated schools. In the 1949–1950 academic year, there were 6,531 black students attending 61 schools. The annual expenditures for these schools were $194,575. There were 2,375 white students attending 12 schools. The annual expenditures for these schools were $673,850. Per pupil expenditures of public funds came to $43 per capita for black children and $179 per capita for white children. The average white schoolteacher earned two-thirds more than the average black one; and in contrast to its treatment of white children, the school board could not be troubled to provide a single bus for the transportation of black children. Thurgood Marshall took the case on behalf of 20 plaintiffs.
On May 3, NAACP filed an amicus brief in Terkel v. Center for Disease Control in the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals. The brief argues that the CDC's eviction moratorium is a lawful exercise of the federal government's Commerce Clause power.
90, Florida's newly enacted law that suppresses the right to vote and access to the ballot.
In 2016, NAACP filed a lawsuit, as co-counsel, against the State of Michigan, the City of Flint, and various other defendants as a result of the Flint water crisis . The lawsuit was consolidated with various other lawsuits filed on this issue.
DNC. On January 20, 2021, the NAACP submitted an amicus brief in Brnovich v. DNC in the U.S. Supreme Court, alongside the Lawyers' Committee, arguing that the scope of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act must not be limited.
The lawsuit was consolidated with various other lawsuits filed on this issue. In January 2021, preliminary approval of a partial settlement of $641 million was granted in the consolidated class action in the Eastern District of Michigan, 80% of which is reserved for children.
The deadline to register for the partial settlement was March 29, 2021.
The brief argues that Section 2 should not be construed to prohibit only restrictions on voting "qualifications" but also must apply to any "time, place or manner" requirements, and that a voting practice can violate Section 2 even if it doesn't impact enough voters to influence an election's outcome.