Farak, who hasn’t been heard from since her release from prison (she served 13 months and was paroled in 2015), declined requests for comment through her lawyer.
Meanwhile, Farak’s crack jones is burning a hole in her soul. She’s been smoking it 10, 12 times a day; the urges, she’ll later testify, are “ridiculous.” Finally, come lunchtime, she runs out to her car and beams up behind the wheel. She’s feeling a lot better when she returns in an hour to take the stand at a drug trial. But as she enters the courtroom, she’s stopped by state troopers and taken to a conference room. It seems someone’s finally noticed that coke has been wandering off from the Amherst evidence room. A search that morning turned up two torn mailers that contained what was left of the seizures. Those mailers, along with a makeshift crack pipe, were recovered from Farak’s desk by state cops.
In August 2012, a chemist named Annie Dookhan was busted for faking tens of thousands of drug tests at her Boston lab, always in favor of the prosecution. Worse, when she was feeling especially helpful, she’d add bogus weight to a borderline sample, pushing the charge from distribution to narco-trafficking.
Luke Ryan is the Platonic ideal of the lawyer you call when you’re caught carrying weight. He’s the son and grandson of eminent judges in Massachusetts, a proud inheritor of his family’s commitment to protect the poor and afflicted.
Bryan Stevenson is the founder and executive director of the Equal Justice Initiative, based in Alabama, and a professor at NYU Law School. Bryan Stevenson is the founder and executive director of the Equal Justice Initiative, based in Alabama, and a professor at NYU Law School.
In one of his most famous cases, Stevenson helped exonerate a man on death row. Walter McMillian was convicted of killing 18-year-old Ronda Morrison, who was found under a clothing rack at a dry cleaner in Monroeville, Ala., in 1986.
Justice Blackmun , who authored the Roe decision, stood by the analytical framework he established in Roe throughout his career. Despite his initial reluctance, he became the decision's chief champion and protector during his later years on the Court. Liberal and feminist legal scholars have had various reactions to Roe, not always giving the decision unqualified support. One argument is that Justice Blackmun reached the correct result but went about it the wrong way. Another is that the end achieved by Roe does not justify its means of judicial fiat.
Opposition to Roe on the bench grew when President Reagan, who supported legislative restrictions on abortion, began making federal judicial appointments in 1981. Reagan denied that there was any litmus test: "I have never given a litmus test to anyone that I have appointed to the bench…. I feel very strongly about those social issues, but I also place my confidence in the fact that the one thing that I do seek are judges that will interpret the law and not write the law. We've had too many examples in recent years of courts and judges legislating."
113 (1973), was a landmark decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in which the Court ruled that the Constitution of the United States protects a pregnant woman's liberty to choose to have an abortion without excessive government restriction.
Supreme Court in which the Court ruled that the Constitution of the United States protects a pregnant woman's liberty to choose to have an abortion without excessive government restriction.
Roe v. Wade reached the Supreme Court on appeal in 1970. The justices delayed taking action on Roe and a closely related case, Doe v. Bolton, until they had decided Younger v. Harris (because they felt the appeals raised difficult questions on judicial jurisdiction) and United States v. Vuitch (in which they considered the constitutionality of a District of Columbia statute that criminalized abortion except where the mother's life or health was endangered). In Vuitch, the Court narrowly upheld the statute, though in doing so, it treated abortion as a medical procedure and stated that physicians must be given room to determine what constitutes a danger to (physical or mental) health. The day after they announced their decision in Vuitch, they voted to hear both Roe and Doe.
Under the traditional interpretation of these rules, Norma McCorvey's ("Jane Roe") appeal was moot because she had already given birth to her child and thus would not be affected by the ruling; she also lacked standing to assert the rights of other pregnant women. As she did not present an "actual case or controversy " (a grievance and a demand for relief), any opinion issued by the Supreme Court would constitute an advisory opinion.
President Richard Nixon did not publicly comment about the decision. In private conversation later revealed as part of the Nixon tapes, Nixon said, "There are times when an abortion is necessary,... ." However, Nixon was also concerned that greater access to abortions would foster "permissiveness," and said that "it breaks the family."
Here's what's at stake.
"Having experience as a prosecutor probably tells you something about where people's values were when they decided to get a job as a lawyer at the beginning," says O'Toole.
The problem isn't that mediocre prosecutors get rewarded with federal judgeships, much less slots on the Supreme Court. It's the opposite.
Obviously, the problem of Supreme Court justices seeing the law as it should be practiced, rather than as it actually is, is something too deep for any president to fix with a single appointment.