Sep 20, 2003 · Defending the right to burn the flag By Michael Djuric Chicago Tribune • Sep 19, 2003 at 12:00 am Darien — I recently attended my 16-year-old daughter's high school open house.
Nov 30, 2016 · The 5-4 decision came in a case involving Gregory Joey Johnson who, outside the 1984 Republican National Convention, burned the flag to protest the policies of then-President …
Jul 05, 2016 · Legal Affairs Reporter, HuffPost. Jul. 5, 2016, 06:04 PM EDT. A young man who wasn't feeling very patriotic this 4th of July weekend decided to burn an American flag and tell …
Jun 11, 2015 · William Kunstler second from left, discusses the Supreme Court ruling to declare the Flag Protection Act of 1989 unconstitutional at a press conference on June 11, 1990 in …
In response to the Johnson decision, Congress passed the Flag Protection Act. This law makes it criminal to knowingly do any of the following to the American flag: A number of people expressed their disagreement with the new law by burning the flag. The constitutionality of this law also came before the Supreme Court.
Johnson, the court ruled that the First Amendment protects burning the flag because the act falls within “expressive conduct.”. The case started when the defendant, Gregory Johnson, burned the flag to protest the policies of then-President Ronald Reagan.
The Supreme Court continued to affirm that the First Amendment protects flag burning as symbolic speech.
The Supreme Court has tried to define “free speech” in several of its opinions. Basically, it stated that “speech” covers areas beyond talking and writing.
In this 5-4 decision striking down the law as unconstitutional, the justices stated: “If there is a bedrock principle underlying the First Amendment, it is that the government may not prohibit the expression of an idea simply because society finds the idea itself offensive or disagreeable. ”.
If you are arrested or learn you are under investigation, the first thing you should do is contact an experienced criminal defense attorney.
The Court, in the United States v. Eichman case, overturned this legislation. It ruled that although Congress had made an effort to adopt a more content-neutral law, the legislation still limited symbolic speech.
Rehnquist's dissent. Brennan's opinion for the court generated two dissents. Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist, joined by Justices Byron White and Sandra Day O'Connor, argued that the "unique position" of the flag "justifies a governmental prohibition against flag burning in the way respondent Johnson did here.".
Rehnquist also argued that flag burning is "no essential part of any exposition of ideas" but rather "the equivalent of an in articulate grunt or roar that, it seems fair to say, is most likely to be indulged in not to express any particular idea, but to antagonize others." He goes on to say that he felt the statute in question was a reasonable restriction only on how Johnson's idea was expressed, leaving Johnson with, "a full panoply of other symbols and every conceivable form of verbal expression to express his deep disapproval of national policy." He quoted the 1984 Supreme Court decision in City Council of Los Angeles v. Taxpayers for Vincent, where the majority stated that "the First Amendment does not guarantee the right to employ every conceivable method of communication at all times and in all places."
Congress did, however, pass a statute in 1989, the Flag Protection Act, making it a federal crime to desecrate the flag. In the 1990 Supreme Court case United States v. Eichman, that law was struck down by the same five-justice majority as in Texas v. Johnson (in an opinion also written by Brennan). Since then, Congress has considered the Flag Desecration Amendment several times. The amendment usually passes the House of Representatives but has always been defeated in the Senate. The most recent attempt occurred when S.J.Res.12 failed by one vote on June 27, 2006.
The American flag, then, throughout more than 200 years of our history, has come to be the visible symbol embodying our Nation. It does not represent the views of any particular political party, and it does not represent any particular political philosophy. The flag is not simply another "idea" or "point of view" competing for recognition in the marketplace of ideas. Millions and millions of Americans regard it with an almost mystical reverence regardless of what sort of social, political, or philosophical beliefs they may have. I cannot agree that the First Amendment invalidates the Act of Congress, and the laws of 48 of the 50 States, which make criminal the public burning of the flag.
Johnson, 491 U.S. 397 (1989), was a landmark decision of the US Supreme Court that invalidated prohibitions on desecrating the American flag, which at the time were enforced in 48 of the 50 states.
They answered the "uniqueness" claim directly: "We have not recognized an exception to [bedrock First Amendment principles] even where our flag has been involved. ... There is, moreover, no indication—either in the text of the Constitution or in our cases interpreting it—that a separate juridical category exists for the American flag alone...We decline, therefore, to create for the flag an exception to the joust of principles protected by the First Amendment."
During the burning of the flag, demonstrators shouted such phrases as, "America, the red, white, and blue, we spit on you, you stand for plunder, you will go under," and, "Reagan, Mondale, which will it be? Either one means World War III." No one was hurt, but some witnesses to the flag burning said they were extremely offended. A spectator, Daniel E. Walker, gathered the remains of the flags and buried them in the backyard of his home in Fort Worth.
In a pair of cases, Texas v. Johnson (1989) and United States v. Eichman (1990), the Supreme Court voted 5-4 to protect the right to burn the American flag as a form of symbolic speech. That right endures, even if mistreating the flag deeply offends onlookers. Protection for offensive speech—even flag burning—is the bedrock of the First Amendment, because ideas we all share need no protection.
The First Amendment protects unpopular opinions so that speakers and listeners have the freedom to decide for themselves what speech is worthwhile and what speech should be rejected.
Scalia’s preference was wise because the American flag only remains a viable symbol of freedom so long as the freedoms it represents endure.
On this Flag Day, and every day, we must celebrate the freedoms that give the flag its luster, especially when those freedoms cause deep disagreement and offense. Ours is a unifying flag by its very composition—with its stripes for the original colonies and a star for each state—but it is a voluntary unity, built on the freedom to disagree. So long as the American flag protects that freedom to dissent, it cannot be destroyed.
Some of Trump’s fellow Republicans broke with his stance on flag burning. House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy, a Republican, stated that while he does not "support or believe in the idea of people burning the American flag, I support the First Amendment."
In reference to burning the flag, McConnell said “that activity is a protected First Amendment right. A form of unpleasant speech, and in this country we have a long tradition of respecting unpleasant speech. I happen to support the Supreme Court’s decision on that matter.”
The 5-4 decision came in a case involving Gregory Joey Johnson who, outside the 1984 Republican National Convention, burned the flag to protest the policies of then-President Ronald Reagan. Johnson faced a fine and a year in prison for violating a Texas law that made burning the flag a felony.
How the Law Protects Flag Burning in the United States. “Nobody should be allowed to burn the American flag,” Trump posted. June 21, 1989: The Supreme Court rule d that flag burning is considered a type of protected free speech under the First Amendment.
The Supreme Court shot down that law as well, holding that it violated the First Amendment. There have been other attempts by Congress to legislate flag burning, but none have passed. The House went as far as approving an amendment to ban "flag desecration," but it has never made it through the full Senate.
The case made its way to the Supreme Court and although divided, the justices sided with Johnson, reversing the lower court ruling. It is unclear whether any of Trump’s potential Supreme Court nominees would side with him on outlawing flag burning. Former Justice Antonin Scalia sided with the majority in the 1989 ruling ...
The act is considered offensive by many, but flag burning is legal in the U.S. under Supreme Court rulings that it is constitutionally protected speech under the First Amendment.
Following the county's decision not to press charges against Mellott, the police department insisted in a press release that its officers acted in good faith -- both in following the law and out of concern for Mellott, whose postings elicited "significant emotional reactions," including death threats against him.
Sgt. Andrew Charles of the Urbana Police Department told Forbes columnist Fernando Alfonso that the UPD had never charged anyone under that law in 27 years, but that police proceeded with the arrest out of an attempt to balance civil liberties with issues of safety.
It turns out that Mellott had been charged under Illinois' flag desecration statute -- a relic from another era, since the Supreme Court ruled more than 25 years ago that flag burning is expressive political conduct and, as such, is protected by the Constitution.
Johnson, their wish came true. In United States v. Eichman, which was decided exactly 25 years ago, on June 11, 1990, the Supreme Court once again ruled that burning the flag was an example of constitutionally protected free speech.
William Kunstler second from left, discusses the Supreme Court ruling to declare the Flag Protection Act of 1989 unconstitutional at a press conference on June 11, 1990 in New York, Kunstler and David Cole, second from right, represented Shawn Eichman, right, a defendant in the case, and Joey Johnson, a defendant in a similar case in 1989.
Almost immediately after the ruling was made, President Bush proposed a solution: a constitutional amendment that would exempt flag-desecration as protected speech. But the legislative branch struck first and passed the Flag Protection Act of 1989, which made it criminal to desecrate the flag, regardless of motive.
I t was shortly before the Fourth of July in 1989 —two centuries after the Constitution of the United States took effect—when the Supreme Court declared that the government could not stop citizens from desecrating the nation’s flag.
If you plan to burn a flag, by the way, it’s strictly BYO. Johnson was an Army brat who grew up in Germany and across the South. In 1969, when he was 12 years old, he sold the Stars and Stripes newspaper to soldiers on a U.S. Army base in Babenhausen, Germany. That, he says, was the start of his political awakening.
He was the defendant in the landmark 1989 Supreme Court case, Texas vs. Johnson, in which the court ruled that burning an American flag, however odious or offensive, is a constitutionally protected form of speech. On Monday morning, we met in Santa Monica’s Tongva Park, in masks, to talk about his role in the famous case.
Gregory “Joey” Johnson plans to burn a flag on July 4 to protest the president’s suggestion that flag burning be outlawed.
In Dallas, Johnson said, he was blown away by the jingoistic atmosphere: the patriotic themes, the slogans, the abundant American flags.
In the years since, Johnson has been arrested countless times for exercising his legal right to burn the flag. “I’ve spent lots of time in county jails all over the country,” he said.
Johnson was among nearly 100 people arrested for desecrating the flag. But he was the only one who returned to Dallas for trial. “I thought it was important to fight it,” Johnson told me. The ACLU took his case.
Robin Abcarian is an opinion columnist at the Los Angeles Times. She writes about news, politics and culture. Her columns appear on Wednesday and Sunday. Twitter: @AbcarianLAT
I'm not interested in preventing all outrageous acts, I'm interested in a carefully crafted approach to protecting the flag. Outrage is an element of the crime of desecration, as you understand (Black's law dictionary states that the offense of desecration "consists of defacing, damaging, polluting or otherwise physically mistreating in a way that the actor knows will outrage the sensibilities of persons likely to observe or discover his action.") But I'm after a particular act causing outrage, and not all such acts. Narrowing the definition of flag to its precise and clear meaning is just fine with me.
Eric Zorn is a former columnist for the Chicago Tribune.